Allusions 1501-1600 (texts)

From International Robin Hood Bibliography
{"pagename":"1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1501,"Year":1509},{"pagename":"1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1501,"Year":1509},{"pagename":"1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1501,"Year":1509},{"pagename":"1509 - Fabyan, Robert - Fabyans Cronycle","Century":16,"Decade":1501,"Year":1509},{"pagename":"1513 - Barclay, Alexander - Fourth Eclogue","Century":16,"Decade":1511,"Year":1513},{"pagename":"1515 - Skelton, John - Magnificence","Century":16,"Decade":1511,"Year":1515},{"pagename":"1520 - Rastell, John - Four Elements","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1520},{"pagename":"1521 - Major, John - Historia Maioris Britanniae","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1521},{"pagename":"1521 - Skelton, John - Speke, Parrot","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1521},{"pagename":"1522 - Skelton, John - Why come ye not to Court","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1522},{"pagename":"1524 - Wolsey, Thomas - To Duke of Norfolk","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1524},{"pagename":"1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1528},{"pagename":"1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1528},{"pagename":"1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1521,"Year":1528},{"pagename":"1530 - Tyndale, William - Prologue to Book of Genesis","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1530},{"pagename":"1531 - Tyndale, William - Prologue to Prophet Jonas","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1531},{"pagename":"1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1535},{"pagename":"1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1535},{"pagename":"1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1535},{"pagename":"1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (4)","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1535},{"pagename":"1537 - Prise, John - Examination of Thomas Percy","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1537},{"pagename":"1539 - Dodsworth, Roger - Notes","Century":16,"Decade":1531,"Year":1539},{"pagename":"1540 - Leland, John - Collectanea","Century":16,"Decade":1541,"Year":1540},{"pagename":"1545 - Ascham, Roger - Toxophilus","Century":16,"Decade":1541,"Year":1545},{"pagename":"1546 - Heywood, John - Dialogue (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1541,"Year":1546},{"pagename":"1546 - Heywood, John - Dialogue (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1541,"Year":1546},{"pagename":"1550 - Anonymous - Welspoken Nobody","Century":16,"Decade":1551,"Year":1550},{"pagename":"1554 - Parker, Henry - Triumph of Love","Century":16,"Decade":1551,"Year":1554},{"pagename":"1562 - Paulet, William - To Mary I","Century":16,"Decade":1561,"Year":1562},{"pagename":"1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1561,"Year":1563},{"pagename":"1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1561,"Year":1563},{"pagename":"1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1561,"Year":1563},{"pagename":"1568 - Grafton, Richard - Chronicle at large","Century":16,"Decade":1561,"Year":1568},{"pagename":"1575 - Gascoigne, George - Fruits of War","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1575},{"pagename":"1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (4)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (5)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Johnson, Laurence - Misogonus (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1577 - Johnson, Laurence - Misogonus (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1577},{"pagename":"1578 - Examination of Robert Scarborough","Century":16,"Decade":1571,"Year":1578},{"pagename":"1583 - Robinson, Richard - Thirde Assertion Englishe Hystoricall","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1583},{"pagename":"1585 - Buck, John - Pension Book of Gray's Inn","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1585},{"pagename":"1585 - Lutterell, Thomas - Petition of Students of Gray's Inn","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1585},{"pagename":"1587 - Anonymous - Just Censure and Reproof of Martin Junior","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1587 - Churchyard, Thomas - Worthiness of Wales","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (3)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (4)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1587},{"pagename":"1588 - Harvey, John - Discursive Problem (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1588},{"pagename":"1588 - Harvey, John - Discursive Problem (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1588},{"pagename":"1588 - Ryther, James - Description of Yorkshire","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1588},{"pagename":"1589 - Nashe, Thomas - Return of Pasquill","Century":16,"Decade":1581,"Year":1589},{"pagename":"1591 - Harris, Michael - Declaration","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1591},{"pagename":"1592 - Anonymous - Little John of Lyme","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1592},{"pagename":"1592 - Nashe, Thomas - Strange News","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1592},{"pagename":"1592 - Talbot, Gilbert - To John Manners","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1592},{"pagename":"1593 - Atkinson, Anthony - To Robert Cecil","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1593},{"pagename":"1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1596},{"pagename":"1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1596},{"pagename":"1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To William Cecil","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1596},{"pagename":"1597 - Burgh, Thomas - To Privy Council of England","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1597},{"pagename":"1597 - Cecil, Robert - To Thomas Burgh","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1597},{"pagename":"1597 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1597},{"pagename":"1597 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1597},{"pagename":"1597 - Norreys, John - To Robert Cecil","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1597},{"pagename":"1598 - Favour, John - Letter to John Savile","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1598},{"pagename":"1598 - Jones, Thomas - Report on Captain Thomas Lee","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1598},{"pagename":"1598 - Nashe, Thomas - Nashe's Lenten Stuff (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1598},{"pagename":"1598 - Nashe, Thomas - Nashe's Lenten Stuff (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1598},{"pagename":"1598 - Privy Council of Ireland - To Privy Council of England","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1598},{"pagename":"1599 - Anonymous - History of Tudor Conquest of Ireland","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1599},{"pagename":"1600 - Breton, Nicholas - Pasquil's Mistress (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1600},{"pagename":"1600 - Breton, Nicholas - Pasquil's Mistress (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1600},{"pagename":"1600 - Carew, George - To Robert Cecil (1)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1600},{"pagename":"1600 - Carew, George - To Robert Cecil (2)","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1600},{"pagename":"1600 - Cecil, Robert - To George Carew","Century":16,"Decade":1591,"Year":1600},

By Henrik Thiil Nielsen, 2013-08-01. Revised by Henrik Thiil Nielsen, 2021-01-07.

The following 79 allusions are found for the period 1501-1600:

1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (1)

The holy Bybyll, grounde of trouth and of lawe
Is nowe of many abiect and nought set by
Nor godly scripture is nat worth an hawe
But talys ar louyd grounde of rybawdry
And many blynddyd ar so with theyr foly
That no scripture thynke they so true nor gode
As is a folysshe yest of Robyn hode.[1]

1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (2)

And in the mornynge whan they come to the quere
The one begynneth a Fable or a hystory
The other lenyth theyr erys it to here
Takynge it in stede of the inuyntory
Some other maketh respons antym and memory
And all of fables and iestis of Robyn hode
Or other tryfyls that skantly ar so gode.[2]

1509 - Barclay, Alexander - Ship of Fools (3)

Holde me excusyd: for why my wyll is gode
Men to induce vnto vertue and goodnes
I wryte no iest ne tale of Robyn hode
Nor sawe no sparcles ne sede of vyciousnes
Wyse men loue vertue, wylde people wantones
It longeth nat to my scyence nor cunnynge
For Phylyp the Sparowe the (Dirige) to synge.[3]

1509 - Fabyan, Robert - Fabyans Cronycle

Anno Domini. M.v.C.i.
Anno Domini. M.v.C.ii.
Syr Laurence Aylemer.
Syr Iohn Shaa.
Anno. xvii.
Henry Hede.
 IN this yere began the mayre & hys bretherne to ryde to the barge & other places. Vpon saint Erkenwaldes day, was my lord prince maryed to the kyng of Spaynes doughter. And this season the duke of Bukkyngham, wyth other, was chief chalengeour, at a royall iustyce & turney holden in the palays of Westmynster. And thys yere came a greate ambassade out of Scotland, by reason wherof conclusion of maryage was made betwene the king of Scottes & dame Margarete, eldest doughter to oure soueraygne lord. Also thys yere was an excedyng great fysshe taken nere vnto Quynbourgh. And in Marche syr Wyllyam of Deuynshyre, syr Iamys Tyrell, & his eldest son, & one named Welborne, were arested for treason. And in Apryll folowyng dyed the noble prynce Arthur, in the towne of Ludlow. And vpon the last day of April were set vpon the pyllory. ii. yongmen, for defamyng of the kynges counsayll, and there erys cut of. Also aboute thys tyme the Gray Fryers were compelled to take theyr old habit russet, as the shepe doth dye it. And the. vi. day of Maye. Iamys Tyrell, & syr Iohnn Wyndham, knyght, were beheded at the Towre Hyl, and a shypman for the same treason, was the same day drawen to Tyborne, & there hanged & quartered. And soone after a purseuaunt named Curson, & a yoman called Mathew Ionys, were put in execucion at Guynys, & all was for aydyng of syr Edmond de la Pool. Also thys yere, about Mydsomer, was taken a felowe whych hadde renewed many of Robin Hodes pagentes, which named him selfe Greneleef, And this yere began the new werke of the houses offyce within the Guyldball [p. 688:] off London. And in the ende of October was proclaymed a peas betwene the king & the archeduke of Burgoyne. And the Sonday before saint Symond & Iude, was shewed a bull, by vertue wherof were denounced at Poules crosse as accursed, syr Edmond de la Pool, late duke of Suffolke, syr Robert Curson, knyght, &. v. other persones, and all such as ayded any of them again the king.[4]

1513 - Barclay, Alexander - Fourth Eclogue

Yet would I gladly heare some mery fit
Of mayde Marion, or els of Robin hood;
Or Bentleyes ale which chafeth well the bloud,
Of perre of Norwich, or sauce of Wilberton,
Or buckishe Joly well-stuffed as a ton.[5]

1515 - Skelton, John - Magnificence

Fan. Ye, and there is suche a wache,
That no man can scape but they hym cache.
They bare me in hande that I was a spye;
And another bade put out myne eye;
Another wolde myne eye were blerde;
Another bade shave halfe my berde;
And boyes to the pylery gan me plucke,
And wolde have made me Freer Tucke,
To preche out of the pylery hole
Without an antetyme or a stole;
And some bade, 'Sere hym with a marke.'
To gete me fro them I had moche warke.
Magn. Mary, syr, ye were afrayde.
Fan. By my trouthe, had I not payde and prayde,
And made largesse, as I hyght
I had not been here with you this nyght.[6]

1520 - Rastell, John - Four Elements

Hu. Now yf that Sensuall Appetyte cā fynd
Any good mynstrellℯ after hys mynd
Dowt not we shall haue good sport
yng. And so shall we haue for a suerte
But what shall we do now tell me
The meane whyle for our cōfort
Hu. Then let vs some lusty balet syng
yng. Nay syr by þe heuyn kyng,
For me thynkyth it seruyth for no thyng
All suche peuysh prykyeryd song.
Hu. Pes man pryksong may not be dispysyd
For ther with god is well plesyd
Honowryd praysyd & seruyd
Jn the churche oft tymes among
yng. Js god well pleasyd trowst thou therby
Nay nay for there is no reason why
For is it not as good to say playnly
Gyf me a spade
As Gyf me a spa ve va ve va ve vade
But yf thou wylt haue a song þt is good
J haue one of robyn hode
The best that euer was made
Hu. Then a feleshyp let vs here it
yng. But there is a bordon thou must bere it
Or ellys it wyll not be [sig. E8r:]
Hu. ¶Than begyn and care not for [page torn]
     ¶ Downe downe downe &c.
yng. Robyn hode in barnysdale stode
And lent hym tyl a mapyll thystyll
Thā cam our lady & swete saynt andrewe
Slepyst thou wakyst thou geffrey coke
¶ A.C. wynter the water was depe
J can not tell you how brode
He toke a gose nek in his hande
And over the water he went
¶ He start vp to a thystell top
And cut hym downe a holyn clobe
He stroke þe wren betwene the hornys
That fyre sprange out of the pyggℯ tayle
¶ Jak boy is thy bowe J broke
Or hath any mā done þe wryguldy wrage
He plukkyd muskyllys out of a wyllowe
And put them in to his sachell
¶ wylkyn was an archer good
And well coude handell a spade
He toke his bend bowe in his hand
And set hym downe by the fyre
¶ He toke with hym.lx.bowes and ten
A pese of befe a nother of baken
Of all the byrdes in mery englond
So merely pypys the mery botell[7]

1521 - Major, John - Historia Maioris Britanniae

Circa hæc tempora vt auguror Robertus Hudus Anglus & paruus Ioannes latrones famatissimi in nemoribus latuerunt, solum opulentorum virorum bona diripientes. Nullum nisi eos inuadentem vel resistentem pro suarum rerum tuitione occiderunt. Centum sagittarios ad pugnam aptissimos Robertus latrociniis aluit, quos .400. viri fortissimi inuadere non audebant. Rebus huius Roberti gestis tota Britannia in cantibus vtitur. fæminam nullam opprimi permisit, nec pauperum bona surripuit, verum eos ex abbatum bonis ablatis opipare pauit, viri rapinam improbo, sed latronum omnium humanissimus & princeps erat.[8]

[Archibald Constable's translation:]
About this time it was, as I conceive, that there flourished those most famous robbers Robert Hood, an Englishman, and Little John, who lay in wait in the woods, but spoiled of their goods those only that were wealthy. They took the life of no man, unless either he attacked them or off'ered resistance in defence of his property. Robert supported by his plundering one hundred bowmen, ready fighters every one, with whom four hundred of the strongest would not dare to engage in combat. The feats of this Robert are told in sons: all over Britain. He would allow no woman to suffer injustice, nor would he spoil [p. 157:] the poor, but rather enriched them from the plunder taken from abbots. The robberies of this man I condemn, but of all robbers he was the humanest and the chief.1[9]

1521 - Skelton, John - Speke, Parrot

Wherfor he may now come agayne as he wente,
Non sine postica sanna, as I trowe,
From Calyse to Dovyr, to Canterbury in Kente, [p. 17:]
To make reconyng in the resseyte how Robyn loste his bowe,
To sowe corne in the see sande, ther wyll no crope growe.[10]

1522 - Skelton, John - Why come ye not to Court

He is set so hye
In his ierarchy
Of frantycke frenesy
And follyshe fantasy,
That in the Chambre of Sterres
All maters there he marres,
Clappyng his rod on the borde.
No man dare speke a worde,
For he hathe all the sayenge
Without any renayenge.
He rolleth in his recordes,
He sayth, 'How saye ye, my lordes?
Is nat my reason good?'
Good evyn, good Robyn Hode!
Some say 'yes', and some
Syt styll as they were dom
Thus thwartyng over thom,
He ruleth all the roste.[11]

1524 - Wolsey, Thomas - To Duke of Norfolk

     Being redy to fynishe this letter, arrived the post with your letters written on Robyn Hoddes Crosse, and such as were sent to you bothe from the King and Quene of Scottes, thErle [sic] of Aran, and also the Lord Dacres [...][12]

1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (1)

 Finally, that this threatening and forbidding the lay people to read the scriptures is not for the love of your souls (which they care for as the fox doth for the geese), is evident, and clearer than the sun; inasmuch that they permit and suffer you to read Robin Hood, and Bevis of Hampton, Hercules, Hector and Troilus, with a thousand histories and fables of love and wantonness, and of ribaldry, as filthy as heart can think, to corrupt the minds of youth withal, clean contrary to the doctrine of Christ and of his apostles: for Paul saith, "See that fornication, and all uncleanness, or covetousness, be not once named among you, as it becometh saints; neither filthiness, neither foolish talking or jesting, which are not comely: for this ye know, that no whoremonger, either unclean person, or covetous person, which is the worshipper of images, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God." And after saith he, "Through such things [p. 332:] cometh the wrath of God upon the children of unbelief." Now seeing they permit you freely to read those things which corrupt your minds and rob you of the kingdom of God and Christ, and bring the wrath of God upon you, how is this forbidding for love of your souls?[13]

1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (2)

[...] Moreover, if I could not prove with an open text that which the allegory doth express, then were the allegory a thing to be jested at, and of no greater value than a tale of Robin Hood.[14]

1528 - Tyndale, William - Obedience of Christen Man (3)

 And forasmuch as they [i.e. the prelates] to deceive withal arm themselves against them with arguments and persuasions of fleshly wisdom, with worldly similitudes, with shadows, with false allegories, with false expositions of the scripture, contrary unto [p. 364:] the living and practising of Christ and the apostles, with lies and false miracles, with false names, dumb ceremonies, with disguising of hypocrisy, with the authorities of the fathers, and last of all with the violence of the temporal sword; therefore do thou contrariwise arm thyself to defend thee withal, as Paul teacheth in the last chapter of the Ephesians: "Gird on thee the sword of the Spirit, which is God's word, and take to thee the shield of faith:" which is, not to believe a tale of Robin Hood, or Gesta Romanorum, or of the Chronicles, but to believe God's word that lasteth ever.[15]

1530 - Tyndale, William - Prologue to Book of Genesis

 This comfort shalt thou evermore find in the plain text and literal sense. Neither is there any story so homely, so rude, yea, or so vile (as it seemeth outward), wherein is [p. 38:] not exceeding great comfort. And when some, which seem to themselves great clerks, say, 'They wot not what more profit is in many gests of the scripture, if they be read without an allegory, than in a tale of Robin Hood:' say thou, 'That they were written for our consolation and comfort; that we despair not, if such like happen unto us. We be not holier than Noe, though he were once drunk; neither better beloved than Jacob, though his own son defiled his bed. We be not holier than Lot, though his daughters through ignorance deceived him; nor, peradventure holier than those daughters. Neither are we holier than David, though he brake wedlock, and upon the same committed abominable murder. All those men have witness of the scripture that they pleased God, and were good men, both before that those things chanced them, and also after. Nevertheless such things happened them for our ensample, not that we should counterfeit their evil; but if, while we fight with ourselves, enforcing to walk in the law of God as they did, we yet fall likewise, that we despair not, but come again to the laws of God, and take better hold.'[16]

1531 - Tyndale, William - Prologue to Prophet Jonas

  And the lives, stories, and gests of men, which are contained in the bible, they [the 'papists'] read as things no more pertaining unto them than a tale of Robin Hood, and as things they wot not whereto they serve, save to feign false descant and juggling allegories, to stablish their kingdom withal. And one of the chiefest and fleshliest studies they have is to magnify the saints above measure and above the truth; and with their poetry to make them greater then ever God made them.[17]

1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (1)

From Scardeburg to Robyn Huddes Bay an 8. miles[18]

1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (2)

Thens [i.e. from Scarborough] an 8. miles to a fischer tounlet of 20. bootes caullid Robyn Huddes Bay, a dok or bosom of a mile yn lenghth; and thens 4. miles to Whiteby [...][19]

1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (3)

A good mile after that I cam out of Stanford I passid over a stone bridge under the which ran a praty river. I toke it for Wasch: and here I markid that cummyng a litle oute of Staunford I enterid ynto a corner of Ruthelandshire, and so went a 3. miles onto such tyme as I cam to a forde, wher ran a bek rysing at a place not far of caullid Haly Welle, as one there dyd telle me. This bek there devideth Rutheland from Lyncolnshire: and a 2. miles of I saw Castelle Bitham, wher yet remayne great waulles of buildinge. Litle Bitham a village ys hard thereby, booth in Lincolnshir as yn the egge of it. The Lord Husey was a late lord of Bitham Castelle. A litle of Bitham risit of certen springes a broket, and about the ford that I spake of afore joynith with the broke that devidith the shires, and not far [of] is Robyn Hudde's Cros, a limes [of the] shires.[20]

. Editors bracket's; bracketed 'of' for 'off' as in printed text.

1535 - Leland, John - Itinerary (4)

From Shirburne to Milburne village a mile, and passing from thens to Fere brydg apon Aire river a iiii. miles of or more. The brid[g]e is of an viii. arches of stone, and ther is a village.
The soile betwixt neere in sight plaine, wel cornid, but litle wood.
Along on the lift hond a iii. miles of betwixt Milburne and Feribridge I saw the wooddi and famose forest of Barnesdale, wher they say that Robyn Hudde lyvid like an owtlaw.
From Ferybridge to Pontfract a mile.[21]

1537 - Prise, John - Examination of Thomas Percy

[...] they concluded to send this examinate [Sir Thomas Percy (c. 1504-37, second son of Henry Percy, 5th Earl of Northumberland)] and his company, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable [...] with their companies, being in the whole about the number of four thousand men, to Fery bridge aforesaid. And there they kept watch for that night. And on the morrow came all the rest of the host to them save only my Lord Darcy and my Lord Archbishop of York, with their own retinue which were left in Pomfret Castle. And the same day they went from Fery bridge to a little nunnery beyond Doncaster, besides Robin Hood's Cross, and there kept the field all that night.[22]

1539 - Dodsworth, Roger - Notes

At Himsworth there be 2 or 3 litle springs which meeting together make a small current, & come to South Kirkby (a towne pleasantly seated where the family of the Tregotts haue a long time liued in good reputation), by Elmsall where Wentworth hath his mansion, haueing long since descended out of Wentworth Woodhouse, & by marriage of the daughter and heire of . . . . Biset haue good Lands in this Tract from whom the Lo. Wentworth descended. Thence it goeth to Hampull a house of Nunns [...] nere vnto wch place St. Richard the Hermit liued, from hence to Robbin- [p. 112:] hood-well wch J rather take to be the Hermit's well near Adwicke in the Street, And through Bentley by Arksey, & falleth into Dun at Wheatley.[23]

1540 - Leland, John - Collectanea

Kirkley monasterium Monialium, ubi Ro: Hood nobilis ille exlex sepultus.

[IRHB translation:]
Kirkley Nunnery, where that noble outlaw, Ro. Hood, is buried.[24]

1545 - Ascham, Roger - Toxophilus

But as for shooting, surely I suppose that you can not perswade me, by no meanes, that a man can be earnest in it, and earnest at his booke to: but rather I thynke that a man wt a bowe on his backe, and shaftes vnder hys girdell, is more fit to wayte vpon Robin Hoode, than vpon Apollo or the Muses. TOX. Ouer ernest shooting surely I will not ouer ernestlye defende, for I euer thought shooting shoulde be a wayter vpon lerning not a mastres ouer learning. Yet this I maruell not a litle at, that ye thinke a man with a bowe on hys backe is more like Robin Hoode seruaūt, than Appllose, seing that Apollo him selfe in Alcestis of Euripides, whiche tragidie you red openly not long ago, in a maner glorieth saying this verse.

It is my wont alwaies my bowe with me to beare[25]

1546 - Heywood, John - Dialogue (1)

Bachelers boast, how they will teach their wives good;
But many a man speaketh of Robin Hood,
That never shot in his bow. When all is sought,
Bachelers wives, and maides children be well tought.[26]

1546 - Heywood, John - Dialogue (2)

Men say, he may ill runne that cannot goe,
And your gaine without your stocke runneth even so.
For what is a workman without his tooles?
Tales of Robin Hood are good for fooles.[27]

1550 - Anonymous - Welspoken Nobody

Many speke of Roben hoode that neuer shott in his bowe
So many haue layed faultes to me, which J did neuer knowe,
But nowe beholde here J am
Whom all the worlde doeth diffame
Long haue they also shamed me
And locked my mouthe for speking free [28]

1554 - Parker, Henry - Triumph of Love

       The fables of Isope (mooste towarde younge Lorde) are not only had in commendation amonge the Philosophers, as with Plato, Aristotle, & diuerse other of ye moste excellent of them, but also the deuines, when in theyr preachynges there cometh to theyr purpose any matter, to rehearse to the rude people, they alledge the allegorye sence of them, to the muche edification of the hearers. I saye therfore, that amonge other his wyttye fables (not to you noble gentleman vnknowen) he telleth, how that the cocke scrapynge on a doungehill, found a precious stone, and when he sawe it, disdayninge, he spurned it from hym, sayinge, what haue I to do with the, thou canste not serue me to no kynde of vse, and so dispysynge it, left it where as it laye on the dongehyll styll. Euen so there be a nomber of that sorte, that percase when they shall eyther heare redde, or them selfe reade this excellent tryumphes, of this famous clercke Petrarca, shall lytle set by them, and peraduenture caste it from them, desyrynge rather to haue a tale prynted of Robyn Hoode, or some other dongehyll matter then of this, whiche I dare affirme, yea, and the Italians do the same, that the diuine workes set aparte, there was neuer in any vulgar speech or language, so notable a worke, so clerckely done as this his worke.[29]

1562 - Paulet, William - To Mary I

Decayed state of the piers of Bridlington and Robin Hood's Bay, in Yorkshire. Requests that certain lordships of the Crown may be let for defraying the necessary repairs.[30]

1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (1)

This Ethelwolf [Æthelwulf, king of Wessex 839–58] had especially about him two bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swithin, bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan, bishop of Sherborne. Of the which two, the one was more skilful in temporal and civil affairs touching the king's wars, and filling of his coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other, who was Swithin, was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual counsel to the king ; who had been schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one good condition of this king's nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and advertisements of his old schoolmaster, but also in that he, like a kind and thankful pupil, did so reverence his bringer-up, and old schoolmaster (as he called him), that he ceased not, till he made him bishop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch, then archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the church of Winchester, of this Swithin, them I leave to be read together with the Iliads of Homer, or the tales of Robin Hood.[31]

1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (2)

  Langdale: — "Is your name Woodman?"
  Woodman: — " Yea, forsooth, that is my name."
  Then he began with a great circumstance, and said, "I am sorrow for you, that you will not be ruled, but stand so much in your own conceit, displeasing your father and others, judging that all the realm doth evil, save a few that do as you do:" with many such words, which be too long to rehearse, but I will declare the substance of them.
  Langdale: — "What think you of them that died long agone — your grandfathers, with their fathers before them? You judge them to be damned, and all others that use the same that they did throughout all Christendom, unless it be in Germany, and here in England a few years, and in Denmark; and yet they are returned again. Thus we are sure this is the truth; and I would you should do well. Your father is an honest man, and one of my parish, and hath wept to me, divers times, because you would not be ruled; and he loveth you well, [p. 354:] and so doth all the country, both rich and poor, if it were not for those evil opinions that you hold, with many such like tales of Robin Hood.1[32]

1563 - Foxe, John - Actes and Monuments (3)

Writers write their fantasy, my lord, and preachers preach what either liketh them, or what God putteth in their heads. It is not by and by done, that is spoken. The people buy those foolish ballads of Jack-a-Lent. So bought they in times past pardons, and carols, and Robin Hood's tales. All be not wise men, and the foolisher a thing is, to some (although not to the more part) it is the more pleasant and meet. And peradventure of the sermons there is (and indeed there is, if it be true that we have heard) otherwise spoken and reported to you, than it was of the preachers there and then spoken or meant. Lent remaineth still, my lord, and shall, God willing, till the king's highness, with our advice and the residue of his grace's council, take another order, although some light and lewd men do bury it in writing; even as the king's majesty remaineth head of the church, although, through sinister ways, and by subtle means, some traitors have gone about, and daily do, to abuse the king's majesty's supremacy, and bring in the bishop of Rome's tyranny, with other superstition and idolatry.[33]

1568 - Grafton, Richard - Chronicle at large

  This yere also king Richard was assoyled, [sic] of the rebellion that he vsed against his father. In recompence whereof (sayth Guydo) he voluntarily tooke vpon him and promised to warre vpon Christes enemies, but to speake truly, it was at the request of the Pope.
  And this yere, as sayth Fabian, king Richard gaue ouer the Castelles of Barwike, and Rokesborough to the Scottishe king, for the summe of ten thousand pound, for the exployte of his voyage to Jerusalem.
  And about this tyme, as sayth John Maior, in his Chronicle of Scotland, there were many robbers and outlawes in England, among the which number, he specially noteth Robert Hood, whom we now call Robyn Hood, and little John, who were famous theues, they continued in woodes, mountaynes, and forestes, spoilyng and robbing, namely such as were riche. Murders commonly they did none, except it were by the prouocation of such as resisted them in their rifelynges and spoyles. And the sayde Maior sayth, that the aforesaid Robyn Hood had at his rule and commaundement an hundreth tall yomen, which were mightie men and exceedyng good archers, and they were mainteyned by suche spoyles as came to their handes: And he sayth moreouer, that those hundreth were such picked men, and of such force, that foure hundreth men who soeuer they were, durst neuer set vpon them. And one thing was much commended in him, that he would suffer no woman to be oppressed, violated or other wise abused. The poorer sort of people he favoured, and would in no wise suffer their goodes to be touched or spoyled, but relieued and ayded them with suche goodes as hee gate from the riche, which he spared not, namely the riche priestes, fat Abbotes, and the houses of riche Carles. And although his theft and rapyne was to be contemned, yet the aforesayd Aucthour prayseth him and sayth, that among the number of [p. 85:] theeues, he was worthie the name of the most gentle theefe.
  But in an olde an auncient Pamphlet I finde this written of the sayd Robert Hood. This man (sayth he) discended of a noble parentage: or rather beyng of a base stocke and linage, was for his manhoode and chiualry aduanced to the noble dignitie of an Erle, excellyng principally in archery, or shootyng, his manly courage agreeying therevnto: But afterwardes he so prodigally exceeded in charges and expences, that he fell into great debt, by reason whereof, so many actions and sutes were commenced against him, wherevnto he aunswered not, that by order of lawe he was outlawed, and then for a lewde shift, as his last refuge, gathered together a companye of Roysters and Cutters, and practised robberyes and spoylyng of the kinges subiects, and occupied and frequented the Forestes or wilde Countries. The which beyng certefyed to the King, and he beyng greatly offended therewith, caused his proclamation to be made that whosoeuer would bryng him quicke or dead, the king would geue him a great summe of money, as by the recordes in the Exchequer is to be seene: But of this promise, no man enioyed and benefite. For the sayd Robert Hood, beyng afterwardes troubled with sicknesse, came to a certein Nonry in Yorkshire called Bircklies, where desiryng to be let blood, he was betrayed & bled to death. After whose death the Prioresse of the same place caused him to be buried by the high way side, wher he had vsed to rob and spoyle those that passed that way. And vpon his graue the sayde Prioresse did lay a very fayre stone, wherein the names of Robert Hood, William of Goldesborough, and others were grauen. And the cause why she buryed him there, was, for that the common passengers and trauailers knowyng and seeyng him there buryed, might more safely and without feare take their iorneys that way, which they durst not do in the life of the sayd outlawes. And at eyther ende of the sayde Tombe was erected a crosse of stone, which is to be seene there at this present.
  Gerardus Marcator in his Cosmographie and discription of England, sayth that in a towne or village called little Morauie in Scotland, there are kept the bones of a great and mightie man, which was called little John, among the which bones, the huckle bone or hip bone was of such a largenesse, as witnesseth Boethus, that he thrust his arme through the whole thereof, and the same bone being conferred to the other partes of his body, did declare the man to be .xiii. foote long.
  But before the king tooke his iourney [to Jerusalem], great preparation was made for money.[34]

1575 - Gascoigne, George - Fruits of War

Yea Robyn Hoode, our foes came downe apace,
And first they chargde another Forte likewise,
Alphen I meane, which was a stronger place,
And yet to weake to keepe in warlike wise:
Five other bandes of English *Fanteries, footemen.
Were therein set for to defend the same,
And them they chargde for to beginne the game.[35]

1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (1)

There is also a creke on eche side of Robin Whoods bay, of whose names and courses, I haue no skil sauing that Fillingale the towne doth stand betwene them both.[36]

1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (2)

The Darwent ryseth in the hilles that lye west of Robin Whodes baie, or two myles aboue Ayton bridge, west of Scarborow as Lelande sayth: and eare it hath runne farre from the head, it receyueth two rilles in one bottome from by west, which ioyne withall about Langdale ende. Thence they go togyther to Broxey and at Hacknesse take in an other water comming from about Silsey. Afterwarde it commeth to Ayton, then to Haybridge, and there crosseth the Kenforde that descendeth from Roberteston. After this also it goeth on to Pottersbrumton where it taketh in one rill, as it doth another beneath running from Shirburne, and the thirde yet lower, on the fader bancke, that descendeth from Brumpton. From these confluences, it runneth to Fowlbridge, Axbridge, Yeldingham bridge, and so to Cotehouse, receyuing by the way many waters [...][37]

1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (3)

Heere also is eftsoones to bee considered the valure of the Brittishe Souldiers, who following this last remembred Constantine the vsurper, did put the Romayne state in great daunger, and by force brake through into Spayne, vanquishing those that kept the streights of ye mountaynes betwixt Spayne and Gallia, nowe called France, an exployt of no small consequence, sith thereby the number of Barbarous nations gote free passage to enter into Spayne, whereof ensued many battayles, sackings of Cities and townes, and wasting of the countreys accordingly as the furious rage of those fierce people was moued to put their crueltie in practise. If therefore the Britayne writers hadde considered and marked the valiant exploytes and noble enterprises which the Brittish aydes, armyes and legions atchieued in seruice of the Romayne Emperours (by whome whilest they had the gouernement ouer thys Isle, there were at sundry times notable numbers cõueyed forth into the parties of beyonde the Seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his sonne Constantine the great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them vsurpers) if (I say) the Brittish writers had taken good note of the numbers of the Brittishe youth thus conueyed ouer from hence, and what notable exploytes they boldly attempted, and no lesse manfully atchieued, they needed not to haue giuen eare vnto the fabulous reportes forged by their Bardes of Arthur and other their Princes worthy indeede of high cõmendation. And pitie it is, that theyr fame shoulde bee brought by suche meanes out of credite by the incredible and fonde fables whyche haue bin deuised of their actes so vnlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the iestes written by Ariost the Italian in his booke entituled Orlando Furioso, sith the same writers had otherwise true matter ynough to write of concernyng the worthy feates by their countreymen in those dayes in forraine parties boldly enterprised and no lesse valiantly accomplished, as also ye warres whiche nowe and then they maynteyned against the Romaynes here at home, in times whẽ they felte themselues oppressed by their tyrannical gouernement, as by yt which is written before of Caratacus, Voadicia, Cartimãdua, Venusius, Galgagus or Galdus (as some name him) and diuers other, who for their noble valiancies deserue as much prayse, as by tong or pen is able to be expressed. [...][38]

1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (4)

King Henrie beeing not well able to wythstand his aduersaries attempts, requested King Alexander to sende him some ayde of Scottes to subdue the rebels of his realme, that had arreared warres agaynst him.

Herevpon shortly after, was Alexander Cumyn with fiue thousand chosen mē sent by king Alexander into Englande, who right valiantly bare themselues in that warre whiche king Henrie held against his Barons, wherof in the English Chronicle ye may read more at large.

In these dayes (as the translator of Hector Boetius hath wrytten) that notable and moste famous outlawe Robyn Hoode lyued, with his fellow little John, of whom are many fables and mery ieastes deuised and sung amongst the vulgar people.

But Iohn Maior wryteth, that they liued as he doth gesse, in the dayes of King Richarde, the first of that name, which raigned in England about the yeare of our Lord .1198. [39]

1577 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (5)

The names of the fieldes adioyning to Dubline.
SAint [sic] Stephens greene.
Hoggyng greene.
The Steyne.
Ostmantowne greene. In the further ende of this field is there a hole, commonly termed Scald brothers hole, a Laberinth reachyng two large myles vnder the earth. This hole was in olde tyme frequented by a notorious théefe named scaldebrother, wherin he would hyde all the bag and baggage he could pilfer. The varlet was so swifte on foote, as he hath eftsoones outrún the swiftest and lustiest yong men in all Ostmantowne, maugre theyr heds, bearing a potte or a panne of theyrs on his shoulders, to his den. And now and then, in derision of such as pursued hym, he would take hys course vnder the gallowes, which standeth very nigh hys caue (a fitte signe for such an Inne) and so beyng shrowded within his lodge, he reckened himself cocksure, none beyng found at that time so hardy as would aduenture to entangle himselfe within so intricate a maze. But as the pitcher that goeth often to the water, commeth at length home broke: so this lusty youth would not surcease from open catchyng, forcible snatchyng, and priuy prowling, to time he was by certain gaping groomes that late in wayte for him, intercepted, fleeing towards his couch, hauyng vpon his apprehension no more wrong done hym, then that he was not sooner hanged on that gallowes, through which in his youth & iollitie he was wont to run. There standeth in Ostmantowne greene, an hillocke named little John hys shot. The occasion procéeded of this.
 In the yere 1189. there ranged thrée robbers and outlawes in England, among which Robert hoode and little Iohn were chiefetaines, of all théefes doubtlesse the most courteous. Robert hoode beyng betrayed at a Noonry in Scotland called Bricklies, the remnaunt of the crue was scattered, and euery man forced to shift for himselfe. Wherupõ little Iohn was fayne to flie the realme, by sayling into Ireland, where he soiourned for a few dayes at Dubline. The citizens beyng done to vnderstand, the wanderyng outcast to be an excellent archer, requested hym hartily to trie how far he could shoote at randone. Who yeldyng to their behest, stoode on the bridge of Dublin, and shotte to that mole hill, leauyng behynde him a monument, rather by his posteritie to be woondered, then possibly by any man liuyng to be counterscored. But as the repayre of so notorious a champion, to any countrey, would soone be published, so his abode could not be long concealed: and therefore, to eschew the daunger of lawes, he fled into Scotland, where he dyed at a towne or Village called Morany. Gerardus Mercator, in his Cosmographye affirmeth, that in the same towne the bones of an huge and mighty man are kept, which was called little Iohn, amõg which bones, ye huckle bone or hipbone was of such largenesse, as witnesseth Hector Boethius, yt he thrust his arme through ye hole therof. And the same bone beyng suted to the other partes of his body, did argue the man to haue bene 14. foote long, which was a prety length for a little Iohn. Whereby appeareth, that he was called little Iohn ironically lyke as we terme him an honest man, whom we take for a Knaue in grayne. [...][40]

1577 - Johnson, Laurence - Misogonus (1)

     Mis. Bodye of god stande backe what monster haue we heare
an antike or a munke a goblinge or a finde
some hobbye horse I thinke or some tumblinge beare
Yf thou canst speake & declare me the kinde.
     Ca. My yonge master ho ho ho
     Mis. Passion of me it is robin hoode I thinke verelye
I will let flye at him if he speake not furthwith
speake lubber speake or Ile kill the presentlye
Nay then haue at the shalt near dye other death.[41]

1577 - Johnson, Laurence - Misogonus (2)

     Ca. Gadds baddy so soone haue yow founde out your minion
Is this my mistrisse yt shall benow saynt cuccold blesse yow
this a smurkinge wenche in deede this a fare mayde marion
she is none of thes coy dames she is as good as brown bessye
     Or. I be foole your harte Sirra yowr to full of your prate
her names dame Melissa my masters owne spouse[42]

1578 - Examination of Robert Scarborough

 Was not master of any ship belonging to Rochester, but of one belonging to one Thompson, dwelling beside the castle near Rochester, who furnished her with victuals, munition, and seven men, besides examinate. A fly-boat, once Phippson's of Rochester, was set forth by Mr. Andrewes, the Queen's presser, whereof one Hodges was master, in which were 40 men, and a pinnace went with him. Twelve months since, Thompson bought broad cloths, hats, &c. of Phippson, between Coquet island and Newcastle, and sold 14 or 16 firkins of soap at Bridlington to Consett, one of Lord Clinton's men, who said he was deputy for the Lord Admiral.

 Thompson also bought pewter of Clarke and Phippson, with two cables, but no anchors or sails. Was never at Robin Hood's bay, nor took or bought anything there, but Phippson gave Thompson, certain bunches of hemp and bed covers.[43]

1583 - Robinson, Richard - Thirde Assertion Englishe Hystoricall

Richard Cœur de Lyon cald a king and Conqueror was,
With Phillip king of France, who did vnto Ierusalem passe:
Olde Chronicles report, his power had Archers them among,
Whose force confounded Pagans fell and layde them dead along.
In this kings time was Robyn Hood: that Archer and outlawe,
And litle Iohn his partener eke, vnto them which did drawe
One hondred tall and good Archers, on whome foure hondred men
Were their power neuer so strong could not giue onset then:
The Abbots Monkes and Earles rich, these onely did molest
And reskewd woemen when they saw of theeues them so opprest,
Restoring poore mens goods, and eke aboundantly releeued
Poore Trauellers which wanted food, or were with sicknes greeued.
  And, heare because of Archery I do by penne explane
The vse, the proffet, and the praise, to England by the same,
My self remembreth of a childe in Contreye natiue mine:
A May game was of Robyn-hood and of his traine that time
To traine vp young men, stripplingsand [sic], eche other younger childe
In shooting, yearely this with solempne feast was by the Guylde,
Or Brother hood of Townsmen done, with sport, with ioy, and loue
To proffet which in present tyme, and afterward did proue.[44]

1585 - Buck, John - Pension Book of Gray's Inn

Item for my [John Buck's] charges of horse hire & other expenses in rydinge to Nonsuche to her Maties Court wth aunswere to the Counsailers towching Robin Hoods stake defacing viiis viid[45]

1585 - Lutterell, Thomas - Petition of Students of Gray's Inn

The humble peticion of the students of Graies Inne.— That whereas we Thomas Lutterell and others students in Grayes Inne throughe or unadvised facte in defacinge Woods stake [a.k.a. Robin Hood's stake] have incurred yor honors heavye displeasure for wch we are more greeved then for our present imprisonment Wee therefore wth sorowfull & submissive myndes most humblie beseache your Lps of your accustomed goodnesses to have favourable consideracion of us in this case and to measure the matter wth our meaninge wch was voyde of gyvinge any cause of offence unto your honours.[46]

1587 - Anonymous - Just Censure and Reproof of Martin Junior

Anderson parson of Stepney, should make roome before him with his two hand staffe, as he did once before the morrice daunce, at a market towne in the edge of Buckingham or Bedford shires, where he bare the Potters part. His two supporters alwayes to leade him by the armes, must be sir Lenard Wright, and sir Tom Blan o Bedford, the one whereof also must carrie his bable, and the other a looking glasse for their Maister, to see whether his catercappe doth euery way reach ouer his eares, and so stand according to his calling. As for Mar-Martin, and Iohn Fregueuile, they alterius vicibus, shall be the groomes of his stoole [...]

[Marginal note to Anderson's name:] This chaplein robbed the poore mens box at Northampton, played the Potters part in the morriee [sic] daunce, and begotte his maide with child in Leicestershire: and these things hee did since he was firste Priest.[47]

1587 - Churchyard, Thomas - Worthiness of Wales

And though we count, but Robin Hood a Jest,
And old wiues tales, as tatling toyes appeare:
Yet Arthurs raigne, the world cannot denye,
Such proofe there is, the troth thereof to trye:
That who so speakes, against so graue a thing,
Shall blush to blot, the shame of such a King.[48]

1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (1)

Of such ports and creeks as our seafaring-men doo note for their benefit vpon the coasts of England. Chap. 17.
[...]
In Yorkeshire, Dapnam sands, Steningreene, Staies, Runswike, Robinhoods baie, Whitbie, Scarborow, Fileie, Flamborow, Bricklington, Horneseie becke, Sister kirke, Kelseie, Cliffe, Pattenton, Holmes, Kenningham, Pall, Hidon, Hulbrige, Beuerleie, Hull, Hasell, Northferebie, Bucke creeke, Blacke cost, Wrethell, Howden.[49]

1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (2)

[...] The king soone after came to Westminster, and there kept his Shrouetide with great bankettings, dansings, and other iollie pastimes.
 And on a time the king in person, accompanied with the earles of Essex, Wiltshire and other noble men, to the number of twelue, came suddenlie in a morning into the queenes chamber, all apparelled in short coates of Kentish Kendall, with hoodes on their heads & hosen of the same, euerie one of them his bow and arrowes, and a sword and a buckler, like outlawes, or Robin Hoods men. Whereat the queene, the ladies, and all other there were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their sudden comming, and after certeine danses and pastime made, they departed. On Shrouesundaie the same yeare, the king prepared a goodlie banket in the parlement chamber at Westminster, for all the ambassadors, which then were here out of diuerse realmes and countries. [...][50]

1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (3)

¶The court lieng at Gréenewich, the king and the quéene, accompanied with manie lords and ladies, road to the high ground of shooters hill to take the open aire; and as they passed by the waie, they espied a companieof [sic] tall yeomen, clothed all in gréene with gréene hoods, and bowes and arrowes, to the number of two hundred. Then one of them, which called himselfe Robin hood, came to the king, desiring him to sée his men shoot; and the king was content. Then he whisteled, and all the two hundred archers shot and losed at once; and then he whisteled againe, and they likewise shot againe; their arrowes whisteled by craft of the head, so that the noise was strange and great, and much pleased the king, the quéene, and all the companie. All these archers were of the kings gard, and had thus apparelled themselues to make solace to the king.

Then Robin hood desired the king and quéene to come into the greene wood, and to sée how the outlawes liued. The king demanded of the queene & hir ladies, if they durst aduenture to go into the wood with so manie outlawes. Then the quéene said, that if it pleased him she was content. Then the hornes blew, till they came to the wood vnder shooters hill, & there was an arbor made of boughes with a hall, and a great chamber; and an inner chamber verie well made and couered with floures & swéet hearbs, which the king much praised. Then said Robin hood; Sir, outlawes breakefasts is venison, and therefore you must be content with such fare as we vse. Then the king and quéene sat downe, and were serued with venison and wine by Robin hood and his men, to their great contentation.

Then the king departed and his companie, and Robin hood and his men them conducted; and as they [p. 837:] were returning, there met with them two ladies in a rich chariot drawen with fiue horsses, and euery horsse had his name on his head, and on euerie horsse sat a ladie with hir name written. On the first courser called Caude, sat Humidite, or Humide. On the second courser called Memcon road ladie Uer. On the third called Pheton sat ladie Uegetiue. On the fourth called Rimphon sat ladie Pleasant. On the fift called Lampace sat sweet Odour. And in the chaire sat ladie Maie, accompanied with ladie Flora, richlie apparelled, and they saluted the king with diuerse goodlie songs, and so brought him to Gréenewich. At this maieng was a great number of people to behold it to their great solace and comfort.

The same after noone, the king, the duke of Suffolke, the marquesse Dorset, and the earle of Essex, their bardes and bases of gréene veluet and cloth of gold, came into the field on great coursers, on whome waited diuerse gentlemen in silke of the same colour. On the other side entered sixtéene lords and gentlemen, all apparelled richlie after their deuises, and so valiantlie they ran their courses appointed: & after that, they ran volant one as fast as he might ouertake another, which was a goodlie sight to sée: and when all was doone they departed, and went to a goodlie banket. [...][51]

1587 - Holinshed, Raphael - Chronicles (4)

In Julie was a parlement held at Edenburgh, in the which manie acts and statutes were made, right profitable (as was then thought) for the common-weale of the realme. Amongest which, to passe ouer the rest, these séeme woorthie to remaine chronicled to posteritie. First, that none of the citizens (in the feasts of Whitsuntide, or anie such times, in which their hirelings are accustomed to go foorth) should assemble armed, to cast foorth the husbandmen after the old maner. Secondlie, that the inhabitants méeting together, should no more assemble vnder a certeine colour of gaine, which for exercise of the bodie (as it was supposed) was holden after the example of one (I can not tell who) Robert Hood a wild or vplandish man. Thirdlie, that there should be no priuat leagues contracted betwéene subiects. Which lawes did after bring great peace, ease, and quiet to the publike state.[52]

1588 - Harvey, John - Discursive Problem (1)

Now touching the Finall why; or the generall and speciall ends therof, were not these extrauagant prophesies, mostwhat inuented and published to some such great holie effect as the tales of Hobgoblin, Robin Goodfellow, Hogmagog, Queene Grogorton, king Arthur, Beuis of Southhampton, Launcelot du Lake, Sir Tristram, Thomas of Lancaster, Iohn à Gaunt, Guy of Warwike, Orlando furioso, Amadis du Gaul, Robin Hood and little Iohn, Frier Tuck and maid Marian, with a thousand such Legendaries, in all languages; viz. to busie the minds of the vulgar sort, or to set ther heads aworke withal, and to auert their conceits from the consideration of serious, and grauer matters, by feeding their humors, and delighting their fansies with such fabulous and ludicrous toyes. For was it not the grand pollicie of that age, wherein those counterfet prophesiers cheefly florished, to occupie and carry away the commons with od rumors, by flimflams, wily cranks, and sleightie knacks of the maker, euen with all possible indeuors and vnderminings, fearing least they might otherwise ouermuch or ouer deeply intend other actions, and negotiations of greater importance, priuate or publike affaires of higher value, matters of state or religion, politike or ecclesiasticall gouernment, which from time to time they kept secret and couert, as mysticall priuities, and sacred intendiments, to be meerly handled, and disposed by the cleargie, or other professed in learning; thinking therby to maintaine themselues, and vphold al their proceedings in the greater credit, authoritie, and admiration amongst the people. It was a trim worke, indeede, and a gay world no doubt, for some idle Cloister-men, mad merry Friers, and lustie Abbey-lubbers [...][53]

1588 - Harvey, John - Discursive Problem (2)

In former times, and in a simpler age, it was no difficult matter, to shift out with good plaine rude cloisterly stuffe: now lateward, sithence those frierlie skarcrowes, and moonkish dumps began to be lesse dreaded or regarded, there haue not wanted iolly fine pragmatical wares, of the maker, whereby no small intendiments, or base enterprises haue been attempted in most kingdomes and principalities thorow out Christiandome. Forsooth loosers must haue their words; and beggers will needes be somewaies bulbeggers. I cannot stand to make any curious deuision; howbeit some of them would be noted for terrible Elphes, and Goblines: som other of them can be contented to insinuate themselues like Robin goodfellow and frier Tuckes. Amongst whom (p. 74) can we better compare the former, than vnto such pedlers, tinkers, and sturdy roges, as were woont to carie about with them their fierce mastiues & terrible bandogs, to serue their knauish and villanous turnes, vpon aduantage [p. 146:] giuen? As for the rest, notwithstanding the swete and plausible honie in their mouthes, haue they not also spitefull and pestilent stings in their tailes?[54]

1588 - Ryther, James - Description of Yorkshire

Many other monuments ther ar, but so blemyshed by fablinge antiquitie that I dare not holde your Lordship with them: as St Tylds wormes figured in stone neer Whitby, wher they say no venemus serpent is seen;110 Mowlgrave castell, somtymes duke Wades howse, whose grave of incredyble length is showed neer ther;111 the extancyes of our outlawe Robin Whood in Barronsdall neer Doncaster; & such lyke dyvers, so dymmed and defaced by long tyme & lacke of trewe writeres as they seem to me to resemble the vews of thinges so far distant from sight as no ey can deem rightly of their shape or substance, thoughe yt may be dymly percevid that som thinge ther is.[55]

1589 - Nashe, Thomas - Return of Pasquill

Howe whorishlie Scriptures are alleaged by them [sc. the Martinists], I will discour (by Gods helpe) in another new worke which [vol. I, p. 83:] I haue in hand, and intituled it, The May-game of Martinisme. Verie defflie set out, with Pompes, Pagents, Motions, Maskes, Scutchions, Emblems, Impreases, strange trickes, and deuises, betweene the Ape and the Owle, the like was neuer yet seene in Paris-garden. Penry the welchman is the foregallant of the Morrice, with the treble belles, shot through the wit with a Woodcocks bill: I woulde not for the fayrest horne-beasts in all this Countrey, that the Church of England were a cup of Metheglin, and came in his way when he is ouer-heated; euery Bishopricke woulde prooue but a draught, when the Mazer is at his nose. Martin himselfe is the Mayd-marian, trimlie drest vppe in a cast Gowne, and a Kercher of Dame Lawsons, his face handsomlie muffled with a Diaper-napkin to couer his beard, and a great Nosegay in his hande, of the principalest flowers I could gather out of all hys works. Wiggenton daunces round about him in a Cotten-coate, to court him with a Leatherne pudding, and a wodden Ladle. Paget marshalleth the way, with a couple of great clubbes,one in his foote, another in his head, & he cryes to the people with a loude voice, Beware of the Man whom God hath markt. I can not yet find any so fitte to come lagging behind, with a budget on his necke, to gather the deuotion of the lookers on, as the stocke-keeper of the Bridewel-house of Canterburie; he must carrie the purse, to defray their charges, and then hee may be sure to serue himselfe.[56]

1591 - Harris, Michael - Declaration

Declaration of Michael Harris, of Blackwall, servant to Wm. Beckett, of Limehouse, delivered to Richard Gribble, Mayor of Dartmouth. Was taken, with other Englishmen, in June 1590, by two Spanish galleys, at Cape Browne by St. Domingo, carried to Carthagena and Nova Hispania, where he was commanded to serve in the Sancta Maria, laden with the King of Spain's treasure, and landed at the Havannah. The treasure was shipped at Nova Hispania, in 13 ships, all of which came to the Havannah save one, taken by the Little John of London, in which there were some chests of treasure. The King's treasure was in chests as big as two men could carry, and was landed at the Havannah last August, and put into the castle; assisted in carrying it there. Was divers times aboard the four frigates there; thinks them of 250 tons, with 14 pieces of brass ordnance. They intended to stay there until December or January, as very few men-of-war would then be on the seas to interrupt their passage. The principal men report that the English will seek to take the Havannah, and that if Sir Francis Drake does not take it, they do not fear all England. The Spaniards report that they have more friends in England than a bushel will hold of peppercorns.[57]

1592 - Anonymous - Little John of Lyme

The "Little John" of Lyme

[1592]—Jacob Lyger, Frenchman, merchant of St. Malo.
John Batyn, master, and dwelleth at Lyme.
Ro. Hassard.
Tho. Denns, Frenchman, dwelling in Lyme.
Peter Rowe, Frenchman, dwelling in Lyme. [p. 257:]
Tho. Toup, an Englishman, in the Tersero, [Terceira].
Ro. Creden, mariner.
Wyll and all the company of the Ship.
Endorsed:—"Certain persons to be sent for." (And in Cecil's handwriting), "Speak with my Lord Admiral."[58]

1592 - Nashe, Thomas - Strange News

Ah neighbourhood, neighbourhood, dead and buried art [vol. I, p. 294:] thou with Robinhood: a poore creature here is faine to commend himselfe, for want of friendes to speake for him.[59]

1592 - Talbot, Gilbert - To John Manners

[Nov. 24, 1592:]
Complaints have been made to me of the misdemeanor of Robert of Wostenholme, of Cautledge, who wears your cloth, for divers breaches of the peace and for shooting at red deer in these my woods, and after misdemeanours towards the game hereabouts, and not long since for entering into a quarrel with others hereabouts, wherein one other, calling himself Robin Hood and this fellow Little John, there had like to have been murder committed by them. I have bound him over to keep the peace for threatening my servant Sir Edward Harrop.[60]

1593 - Atkinson, Anthony - To Robert Cecil

Informations about priests in the north. In the bishopric of Durham, Medcalf, a priest, said mass at Claxton's, a recusant [...] Particulars of other harbourers of priests in Yorkshire, Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. [...p. 378] On 10 Sept. 1593, took John Boost, the priest, who said mass at the Water house, when Lady Margaret Neville and Adelin Claxton,her maid, and Mrs. Claxton, now in Bransby castle, were present [...] Davie Engleby has married Lady Ann Neville, second daughter to the Earl of Westmoreland, and having many friends in the north., hopes for a day of alteration, and rides in Yorkshire and the north part, like Robin Hood, and so do Joseph Constable and his wife and others.[61]

1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (1)

The Earl of Clancarty being dead, and Florence M'Carthy, by marrying his heir general, having an apparent pretence to the earldom, fears some alteration will grow in those parts by the said. [IRHB: sic] Florence, who is more Spanish than English. Has received advice from Munster that he "begins already to stir coals," and considers some special letter should be sent to the Vice-President of that Province to lay hold of Florence M'Carthy, or to see him assured upon good pledges. Without one of these two preventions, looks that he will be a dangerous Robin Hood in Munster. — Dublin, 1596, February 14.[62]

1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (2)

[...] Wishes that now, whilst there is time, the troubles of this realm were compounded in all the parts thereof, but especially Feagh M'Hugh taken in, according to Her Majesty's late pleasure signified; for he, being the only disturber of Leinster, which is the heart, has, if he be not stayed, more means to endanger the whole kingdom, than any of the rest, who are but remote "lymmes" [limbs]. If Feagh is suffered to be the Robin Hood, it will encourage even some of the late submitters to break loose again. Prays for some speedy direction to the State that he may be taken in, otherwise, besides the ground that the foreign enemy will have to work upon by him, and by his example other corrupt parts of the kingdom be kept in disorder, the poor subjects of the English Pale will be undone through his nightly spoils, and be driven in the end to quit their dwellings, or to run into action with him.[63]

1596 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To William Cecil

[...] If Feagh M'Hugh might now be taken in, with any honourable provisions, it would do much to appease the general storm of the realm, or at least to make suspicious to the Spaniards, the hopes and promises that have been made to them by Ulster and Connaught. It might easily have been done, before the present prosecution of Feagh began. Doubts not that it will be objected, that it is not honourable for Her Majesty to have him taken in. In respect of himself, Feagh is worthy of no favour, but, inasmuch as the iniquity of the time straineth the State [in Ireland] to do unworthy things, the indignity of this point is avoided. By his taking in, the safety of Ireland is assured, and, contrariwise, if he be suffered still to live as a Robin Hood, he will be a ground of a great desolation in the English Pale, if not the whole ruin thereof. The staying of Feagh will break the combinations of the north.—Dublin, 1596, September 30.[64]

1597 - Burgh, Thomas - To Privy Council of England

[...] A remnant of traitors of the Feagh M'Hugh faction still on foot in Low Leinster. They are capital persons, and men of action, who being left as Robin Hoods, may be dangerous disturbers of the whole state of Leinster, especially to kindle a new fire upon the borders. It is thought expedient to prosecute these men, and that the Earl of Ormonde have the charge committed to him. His good services, which deserve acknowledgment from the Privy Council, as they have been done at his own expense, without entertainment from Her Majesty. [...][65]

1597 - Cecil, Robert - To Thomas Burgh

[...] The restraint on the making of knights. "Her Majesty is much troubled with the late knights that were made, and surely not well contented that the head of such a base Robin Hood [Feagh M'Hugh] is brought so solemnly into England. It is no such trophy of a notorious victory, and yet of it his friends make here great advantage; but if it be true that his son be still out, his youth will better his father's age." — The Court at Greenwich, 1597, May 26.[66]

1597 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (1)

[...] There are come within two days into Leinster certain Robin Hoods, set on and enabled by Tyrone, namely, Brian Reogh O'More, and the two sons of the late Feagh M'Hugh, who yesternight made some small burnings in the Queen's County and borders of Kildare, and are now passed over to the Glynns, their old den. Doubts not they have a large confederacy amongst the Kavanaghs, the O'Mores, and O'Connors, with other septs in Leinster. This is a beginning of the unsoundness of Leinster, which he has so often touched upon in his former letters. It is not known yet what the number is of these new disturbers. Thinks they do not exceed 200, and that they have not done much, beside some petty burnings, which might have been prevented if the country had shown themselves as they ought to have done.—Dublin, 1597, October 5. Signed. Endorsed: —"Received at Whitehall the 9th of November."[67]

1597 - Fenton, Geoffrey - To Robert Cecil (2)

Upon the late return of the Earl of Ormonde from Dundalk to Drogheda, he wrote to the Lord Justices for some assistance of councillors to be sent to him for a second meeting, which he had appointed with Tyrone about to-morrow, or the next day, at which time it seems that O'Donnell and the residue of that wicked confederacy are expected, to assemble near Dundalk. [... p. 474:] Besides, I doubt specially that the whole rabble of them will not come to the meeting, but that some one or two will be left behind, of purpose to be Robin Hoods, to the end to keep things still in garboil, which I have still observed hath been usually done by them in former times, and then in that case there can be no assurance that the agreement will hold."—Dublin, 1597, December 17.[68]

1597 - Norreys, John - To Robert Cecil

[...] His brother [Sir Thomas Norreys] has happily cut off, both by prosecution and justice, many of the most dangerous rebels in the province; and lately had the head of Rory M'Murrough, brother to Murrough Oge, brought to him. He doubts not to have the other's head very shortly, "but as fast as they are consumed, there springs up an ill in their places; there continuing a malicious disposition in most of this country to have still some Robin Hood to seek to weed out and extirpate the English; and the canker of this humour will not be cured but by a sharp corsey." [...][69]

1598 - Favour, John - Letter to John Savile

[Letter from John Favour, vicar of Halifax, to John Savile, esq., one of the Barons of the Exchequer, asking him] to take order for punishing one Robert Smyth, commonly called Robin Hood, that hath bene a long tyme a sorcerer and a ffortune-teller, a blasphemer of God, and a seducer of poor people, ignorant but passing obstinate and wilful: getting of servants and children both monye and apparell to tell fortunes, and so following all ffayres and marketts — one of the first order of rogues, and so to be punished. The canons of the Church severely censuring such men[.] Dated Halifax this 7th day of August. 1598.[70]

1598 - Jones, Thomas - Report on Captain Thomas Lee

On Monday, the 13th of this instant, as I was walking in Sir Robert Gardener his garden, Captain Thomas Lee came into the garden booted, and after salutation passed between us, I told him I did hope, now that he was set at liberty, he would bestir himself in Her Majesty's service better than other Captains had done. He answered me that his durance had much hindered Her Majesty's service, but now that he was at liberty, he would lay down a plot to be revenged upon the Lord of Ormonde, who had been the procurer of his trouble, and who (as he said) was also the author and worker of all this rebellion in Ireland. {...} I will undertake to plague him well enough; for Ormonde, Tipperary, and Kilkenny shall pay for this gear.' 'Why,' said I, 'but how can you devise to hurt my Lord of Ormonde, so long as he hath the command of all Her Majesty's forces?' Mr. Lee answered me, saying, 'Let him and them alone. I will undertake to give him his handful.' 'Why, how cans't thou do it ?' quoth I. 'Content yourself' said Mr. Lee, 'I must not be seen in the matter; but I will turn out one that shall do all this; and that shall be James FitzPiers; he shall be the Robin Hood. And I will also have Mountgarrett, and Donnell Spainagh, and Onie M'Rory and the Moores, at my command and direction; and, unless Mr. Phelim M'Feagh will also be under my disposing, I will knock him. And for myself, I will presently give over my band of foot to my Lieutenant Goldsmith, and my horse to Mr. John Sarsfeld, and I will keep only my kern, and will travel up and down with them; and I do not mean to come much at you after this in haste. But I will still have five thousand men at my command.' [...][71]

1598 - Nashe, Thomas - Nashe's Lenten Stuff (1)

MOst courteous vnlearned louer of Poetry, and yet a Poet thy selfe, of no lesse price then H. S., that in honour of Maid-marrian giues sweete Margerã for his Empresse, and puttes the Sowe most sawcily vppon some great personage, what euer she bee, bidding her (as it runnes in the old song) Go from my Garden Go, for there no flowers for thee doth grow, These be to notifie to your diminutiue excelsitude, and compendiate greatnesse, what my zeale is towardes you, that in no streighter bonds woulde bee pounded and enlisted, then in an Epistle Dedicatorie.[72]

1598 - Nashe, Thomas - Nashe's Lenten Stuff (2)

One becke more to the balies of the cinque portes, whome I were a ruder Barbarian then Smill the Prince of the Crims & Nagayans, if in this actiõ I should forget (hauing had good cheare at their tables more then once or twice whiles I loytred in this paragõlesse fishtown). Citty, towne, cuntry, Robin hoode and little Iohn, and who not, are industrious and carefull to squire and safe conduct him in, but in vshering him in, next to the balies of Yarmoth, they trot before all, and play the prouost [p. 187:] marshals, helping to keep good rule the first three weeks of his ingresse, and neuer leaue roaring it out with their brasen horne as long as they stay, of the freedomes and immunities soursing frõ him.[73]

1598 - Privy Council of Ireland - To Privy Council of England

Lastly, if we should have suffered these broken bands to be made up with Irish, it would little or nothing have strengthened the army, for that so many of the Irish as should by this means have been entertained in Her Majesty's pay, would have diminished so much of the strength of the country, for that by their ordinary tenures they are bound to the defence thereof, which they cannot answer as they ought, being otherwise employed under Captains in Her Majesty's 'solde'; and so by this means the ordinary forces of the country would be much weakened, and Her Majesty's army greatly endangered, by such a multitude of Irish, rather doubtful than to be trusted. And yet in the end, when they shall come to be discharged out of pay, they will be apt instruments to run to any Robin Hood that will entertain them, to make new stirs and alterations in the kingdom. We have acquainted the Lord Lieutenant General with this order, and the reasons whereupon we grounded it, who we hope will yield thereunto, though we found him inclined to raise up these broken bands with Irish, and had already appointed some Captains of this country birth for the same; humbly praying your Lordships to vouchsafe to countenance our doings in this point, if any opposition shall be made; the rather because that we have done was to stop apparent inconveniencies, and prevent future dangers.[74]

1599 - Anonymous - History of Tudor Conquest of Ireland

[...] James FitzPiers, of the county of Kildare, the son of an honest gentleman and true servitor to Her Majesty, Sir Piers FitzJames, [...] was made Sheriff of that county, kept much company with Captain Thomas Lee, who was a great favourer of the Earl of Tyrone (and then in question and disgrace therefore); and, as it may be gathered, infected with that company, underhand this James practised a long time with the Earl of Tyrone, but at length broke out, and his practices were revealed to the Lords Justices. Captain Lee and he making merry together, said Lee, 'James, thou and I will be shortly McRustelyns, 'that is to say Robin Hoods, 'for we can get nothing as we are.' These words were brought to the Lords Justices. They were both sent for by a pursuivant. Lee appeared, was charged with treasons, and was committed to the Castle; but James would not shew himself. [...][75]

1600 - Breton, Nicholas - Pasquil's Mistress (1)

If she make curtzy like Maide Marian,
And weare her linnen neuer so well slickt:
And be the flower of all the frying pan,
And haue her bosome with a Nosegaie stickt:
And in her tyre be neuer so betrickt:
And shall be married to the Bailifes sonne:
She shal be but the wench, when all is done.[76]

1600 - Breton, Nicholas - Pasquil's Mistress (2)

She that doth hate to brabble, brawle and scolde,
To sweare, and lie, and talke of Robin Hood:
And will no longer any question holde,
Then while she wel may make her iudgemēt good
To prooue that shee her selfe hath vnderstood:
Such a rare wench, for a well gouernd wit,
Wold make him happy that were matcht with it.[77]

1600 - Carew, George - To Robert Cecil (1)

"The speediest way to end this rebellion is to send James FitzGerald unto me, although he remains a prisoner in my custody, so as it may be known that, upon the extinguishing of this war, that (sic) he shall be restored to honour and blood, without the which I see no possibility to determine this defection in Munster in any short time. For, although James FitzThomas were executed, yet such is their desire to have an Earl of Desmond, as that they will evermore find a Geraldine to make their Robin Hood rather than to want a head to lead them. And therefore I do most humbly beseech you to 'intercesse' Her Majesty for her own benefit's sake to be gracious unto that gentleman, and forthwith to send him unto me. Which if she will be pleased to do (although it be with all the limitations that may be most for her security), yet I doubt not but in a short time after his landing to finish this rebellion, which is as firmly rooted as any combination ever was against their natural prince.[78]

1600 - Carew, George - To Robert Cecil (2)

In what sort I found this province of Munster when I first entered into my charge, I need not trouble your Honour with repetitions thereof; [it] being evidently known to all men that since the conquest of Ireland the same was never so much distempered. For noplace was free from rebellion, even to the very gates of the cities, and the enemy evermore master of the field, so as Her Majesty's garrisons (being in no better condition than besieged) did but lie in towns for their safety, and the towns so forgetful of their duties, as in them Her Majesty's troops were not well assured.[... p. 390:] Whoso knoweth this kingdom and the people will confess that to conquer the same and them by the sword only is opus laboris, and almost may be said to be impossible. And I do verily believe that all the treasure of England will be consumed in that work, except other additions of help be ministered unto it. The fair way that I am in towards the finishing of the heavy task which I undergo, I am afraid will receive some speedy and tough impediment, unless my advice in sending of the young Desmond hither may be followed. The good which by his presence will be effected hath been by me so often declared, as I hold it needless to trouble you with reiterations of the same. The danger that may ensue if he should prove a traitor (which I suppose to be the motive of his detention) is no more than the malice of a weak rebel, who can never be so great by reason of his education, which hath been in simplicity unaccustomed to action, together with his religion, as this counterfeit Earl, nourished in villainy and treasons, and the greatest pillar (Tyrone excepted) that ever the Pope had in this kingdom. And farther, if this traitor were taken or slain, yet the rebellion is not ended; for these Minister rebels will establish another Robin Hood in his room, and so in sequence, as long as there is a Geraldine in Ireland. As soon as the bruit was divulged that he should be sent unto me, I found such an alacrity in his followers, as an immediate sigh of a present quiet did represent itself unto me; but since that time, they having notice that yet he is in some degree a prisoner, and persuaded by the traitorly priests that there was never no intention to enlarge him, and that that which was done was only to abuse the world to breed distractions to ruin the Catholic cause, which they call a just war, they do again begin to decline, and the best I can expect from them is to stand as neutrals, and that but for a time, until they grow farther desperate of his coming. Sir, believe me all the persuasions in the world will not prevail to induce them to serve against James McThomas, much less to do anything upon his person, before they see his face. For this incredulous nation measure the like falsehood in others which they know to be in themselves; and therefore I wonder that stay is made of him, since his coming may do so great good. [...][79]

1600 - Cecil, Robert - To George Carew

I have not heard from you since Arthur arrived with too news [sic] of your good success in Kerry. You have been supplied with all you ask. Desmond is to be sent to you forthwith, unless some advertisement dissuade it. A patent is drawn and ready to be signed for his earldom; you are to deliver it to him if you "see a party likely to come to him." Her Majesty is doubtful "whether he may not prove a Robin Hood as well as the other, of whose abatement there is hope [p. 435:] by your labour, though this gentleman should never be sent;" and whether by sending and creating him she may not "run the danger of a scorn" if no great matter should follow. Use him as you think good. "Although it seems you could have been content to have only had him as a prisoner, yet my Lords, out of desire to ease your works, have won some better conditions of her Majesty, for he shall go... well accompanied, and some gentleman (not as a jailor, but as his friend) shall bring him to you."[80]

Notes

  1. Barclay, Alexander, adapt.; [Brandt, Sebastian]; [Jamieson, Thomas Hill], ed. The Ship of Fools (Edinburgh; London, 1874), vol. I, p. 72.
  2. Barclay, Alexander, adapt.; [Brandt, Sebastian]; [Jamieson, Thomas Hill], ed. The Ship of Fools (Edinburgh; London, 1874), vol. II, p. 155.
  3. Barclay, Alexander, adapt.; [Brandt, Sebastian]; [Jamieson, Thomas Hill], ed. The Ship of Fools (Edinburgh; London, 1874), vol. II, p. 331.
  4. Fabyan, Robert; Ellis, Henry, ed. The New Chronicles of England and France (London, 1811), pp. 687-88.
  5. Barclay, Alexander, adapt.; [Brandt, Sebastian]; [Jamieson, Thomas Hill], ed. The Ship of Fools (Edinburgh; London, 1874), vol. I, p. lxvii.
  6. Skelton, John; Scattergood, John, ed. The Complete English Poems. John Skelton (New Haven & London, 1983), p. 150 (ll. 350-65).
  7. [Rastell, John.] The Nature of the Four Elements (The Tudor Facsimile Texts) (London and Edinburgh, 1908), sigs. E7v-E8r.
  8. Major, John. Historia Maioris Britanniae, tam Angliae quam Scotiae ([Paris:], [1521]), sig. g7v.
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  37. Holinshed, Raphael: [Wolfe, Reyner]; [Harrison, William]; [Stanyhurst, Richard]. The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande. Conteyning, the description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vnto the conquest. The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first originall of the Scottes nation, till the yeare of our Lorde. 1571. The description and Chronicles of Yrelande, likewise from the firste originall of that nation, vntill the yeare. 1547 (London, [1577]), vol. I, The Seconde Booke of the description of Britaine: Of such streames as fall into the maine riuers betweene Humber and the Thames. Cap. 3., leaf 69r.
  38. Holinshed, Raphael: [Wolfe, Reyner]; [Harrison, William]; [Stanyhurst, Richard]. The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande. Conteyning, the description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vnto the conquest. The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first originall of the Scottes nation, till the yeare of our Lorde. 1571. The description and Chronicles of Yrelande, likewise from the firste originall of that nation, vntill the yeare. 1547 (London, [1577]), vol. I, The Historie of Englande: Maximianus, or rather Maximus, p. 99.
  39. Holinshed, Raphael: [Wolfe, Reyner]; [Harrison, William]; [Stanyhurst, Richard]. The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande. Conteyning, the description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vnto the conquest. The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first originall of the Scottes nation, till the yeare of our Lorde. 1571. The description and Chronicles of Yrelande, likewise from the firste originall of that nation, vntill the yeare. 1547 (London, [1577]), vol. II, The historie of Scotlande, p. 294.
  40. Holinshed, Raphael: [Wolfe, Reyner]; [Harrison, William]; [Stanyhurst, Richard]. The Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande. Conteyning, the description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vnto the conquest. The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first originall of the Scottes nation, till the yeare of our Lorde. 1571. The description and Chronicles of Yrelande, likewise from the firste originall of that nation, vntill the yeare. 1547 (London, [1577]), , vol. III, ¶ A Treatise contayning a playne and perfect Description of Irelande, with an Introduction, to the better vnderstanding of the Hystories, appartayning to that Islande: compyled by Richard Stanyhurst, and written to the Ryght Honorable, Syr Henry Sydney Knight, Lorde Deputie of Irelande, Lorde president of Wales, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, and one of hir Maiesties priuie Counsell within hir realme of England; The names of the ciuities, borroughes and hauen townes in Irelande. Cap. 3, leaf 12v. The passages in italics here are in Roman type in the printed text, body text being in Black Letter. IRHB's brackets
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  48. Churchyard, Thomas. THE Worthines of Wales: VVherein are more Then a Thousand Seuerall Things Rehearsed: some Set out in Prose to the Pleasure of the Reader, and with Such Varietie of Verse For the Beautifying of the Book, as No Doubt Shal Delight Thousands to Vnderstand. Which Worke is Enterlarded with many Wonders and Right Strange Matter to Consider of (Imprinted at London, 1587), sig [C4r].
  49. Holinshed, Raphael; [Wolfe, Reyner]; [Fleming, Abraham]; [Thynne, Francis]; [Stow, John]. The first and second volumes of Chronicles, comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent. and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes ([London], [1587]), vol. I, An Historicall description of the Iland of Britaine, with a briefe rehersall of the nature and qualities of the people of England and such commodities as are to be found in the same. Comprehended in three bookes, and written by W. H.: Of such ports and creeks as our sea|faring-men doo note for their benefit vpon the coasts of England. Chap. 17, p. 108.
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